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02.07.2017

Wiener Festwochen: Magie des Fremden

10.05.2017 | 18:50 |  Johanna Hofleitner (Die Presse - Schaufenster)
Die Festwochen-Ausstellung „The Conundrum of Imagination“ wirft einen ungewohnten Blick auf das Zeitalter der Entdeckungen.
Bild: (c) Beigestellt 
Der Wunsch, die Welt zu entdecken, prägt die Menschheitsgeschichte seit jeher. Was für Reisende die Sehnsucht nach der Ferne ist, wird aus Sicht von Herrschernationen zum Drang, Territorien zu unterwerfen. Die Karthager erkundeten um 500 v. Chr. Westafrika, die Griechen expandierten zwischen 380 und 310 v. Chr. in den östlichen Mittelmeerraum. Unter der Han-Dynas­tie wurde im zweiten Jahrhundert v. Chr. Zentralasien erforscht, die Wikinger stießen von 800 bis 1040 bis
zum amerikanischen Kontinent vor. Im 13. Jahrhundert erkundeten die Polynesier den Pazifik, die Chinesen 100 Jahre später Süd-, Südostasien sowie die Küste Afrikas.
Kolonialismus einst und jetzt. Von Brisanz, weil von aktueller Relevanz sind heute die Entdeckungsreisen der Neuzeit. Verbunden mit Namen wie Kolumbus, Humboldt, Cook, da Gama, Magellan, Vespucci und anderen haben sie die Kolonialisierungen der Neuzeit eingeleitet. Unter dem Titel „The Conundrum of Imagination (Das Rätsel der Imagination)“ greift die Hauptausstellung der Wiener Festwochen dieses „Europäische Zeitalter der Entdeckungen“ auf. 16 Künstlerinnen und Künstler hat Kurator Bonaventure Soh Bejeng Ndikung zusammen mit Kokuratorin Pauline Doutreluingne ausgewählt und mit Arbeiten beauftragt. Sie kommen zum Großteil aus Afrika sowie Mittel- und Zentralamerika – mithin aus Ländern, die selbst Teil der europäischen Kolonialgeschichte waren –, aber auch aus Europa wie Ines Doujak oder Ahmet Öğüt. Schauplätze der Ausstellung sind das Leopold-Museum sowie das Performeum, eine aufgelassene Ziegelhalle der ÖBB in der Nähe des Hauptbahnhofs.
„Die Künstlerinnen und Künstler, die wir eingeladen haben, interessieren uns, weil sie in verschiedenen Medien wie Skulptur, Installation, Zeichnung, Film, Fotografie und Performances sehr starke Bilder kreieren“, sagt Doutreluingne. „Für viele ist Kolonialismus zudem ein Teil ihrer Praxis, weil sie aus Ländern kommen, die kolonialisiert worden sind. In gewisser Weise sind sie also selbst Entdecker, die mit ihrer Kunst in die menschliche Psyche hineingehen und Stereotype aufbrechen.“
Der Venezolaner Marco Montiel-Soto etwa bezeichnet sich selbst als Reisenden. Für seine Kunst bricht er immer wieder zu Expeditionen auf. Für die Festwochen-Ausstellung hat er zwei Wochen in einer Pfahlbausiedlung im Maracaibo-See gelebt. Columbus hatte diese Region einst als „kleines Venedig“ bezeichnet, woraus der Name Venezuela hervorgegangen ist. Von den Spaniern wurde die Region von 1528 bis 1545 den Welsern überlassen, die auf der Suche nach dem Dorado ebendort Neu-Nürnberg gründeten. Aufgrund intensiven Gewittergeschehens hat schließlich die Nasa den Maracaibo-See 2016 zur Hauptstadt des Blitzes erklärt. Montiel-Soto nimmt diese Partikel zum Ausgangspunkt für eine poetische Installation, bestehend aus einer Hütte, Blitzen, Videos und Sound. „Ich reise durch Zeiten und Räume“, sagt er. „Aus den Mythen und Legenden, denen ich auf dieser Reise begegne, schaffe ich eine Fiktion.“
Zahlreiche Reisen durch Mittel- und Südamerika haben Ines Doujaks Interesse an kolonialen Themen geprägt. Kolonialismus ist für sie immer noch allgegenwärtig, „zum Beispiel in der Art, über Refugees zu reden“, wie sie sagt. Thema ihres Collagenzyklus „Skins“ ist der Einsatz von Hautkrankheiten als biologischer Waffe. Dafür hat sie historische Medizinatlanten zerschnitten und die Schnipsel zu Mutantenbildern zusammengefügt. „Ich will mit der Arbeit die spezielle Geschichte dieses Kolonialismus beschreiben“, sagt sie. „Die Haut ist für mich eine Grenze zwischen innen und außen, jede Wunde ist eine Öffnung.“


Geschichtsumkehr. Abraham Oghobase aus Lagos wiederum geht für seinen Lithografiezyklus von einer historischen Fiktion aus
und fragt: „Was wäre, wenn Österreich Nigeria kolonialisiert hätte?“ In mehrschichtigen Bil­dern, die aus transparenten Folien, Fotografien, Details aus Google-Maps sowie Farblagen zusammengesetzt sind, führt er Landschaftsfotografien aus Nigeria mit Detailaufnahmen imposanter Salzburger Barockskulpturen zusammen und konstruiert daraus eine fiktionale historische Realität. „Ich bin neugierig“, sagt er, „mich interessieren das Prozesshafte der Lithografie und die Möglichkeit, mit ihr Geschichten zu erzählen.“

17.04.2017

blackness, mathematics, fabulation: speculation


Posted on September 27, 2014 by keguro

A recent issue of The Black Scholar, edited by Alexander Weheliye, explores the relationship between black studies & black life. As many of the contributors argue, this relationship is about the knowledge structures and practices central to the ongoing problem of how to frame, understand, and engage the world we’ve inherited as modern, the world “modernity made.” We might describe this as the world that made blackness by unmaking black life, the world that created blackness as a speculative form: to be speculated upon and to speculate on its own life-making possibilities. Different kinds of imaginative leaps meet in speculation, and while “speculation” is not one of the key terms of the issue, it assembles and orients many of the articles, especially those by Tavia Nyong’o, Katherine McKittrick, C. Riley Snorton, and Denise Ferreira da Silva. I’m especially interested in articles by Nyong’o and McKittrick, because they press on one of my ongoing questions about what McKittrick terms, “origin stories”: simply, what are the genealogies of blackness? Where do we start? How do we start? And, once we’ve started, how do we proceed?

To answer these questions, McKittrick turns to the black archival presence found in “documents and ledgers”: “the list, the breathless numbers, the absolutely economic, the mathematics of the unliving.” It is a formula-generating mathematics that creates “historic blackness” for the New World—the world modernity made—a history that is, simultaneously, an unhistory (the Negro has no history), an unmaking served by economic attachment: “belongs to, bequeathed to, to be sold to.” As McKittrick writes, “New world blackness arrives through the ordinary, proved, former, certified, nearly worn worn-out archives of ledgers, accounts, price tags, and descriptors of economic worth and financial probability.” The commodity that speaks—this commodity that Marx made unspeakable.

What kind of origin story is this?


The brutalities of transatlantic slavery, summed up in archival histories that give us a bit of (asterisked-violated) blackness, put meaningful demands on our scholarly and activist questions. While the tenets and the lingering histories of slavery and colonialism produced modernity as and with and through blackness, this sense of time- space is interrupted by a more weighty, and seemingly truthful (truthful and truth-telling because iterated as scientific, proven, certified, objective), underside—where black is naturally malignant and therefore worthy of violation; where black is violated because black is naturally violent; where black is naturally unbelievable and is therefore naturally empty and violated; where black is naturally less-than-human and starving to death and violated; where black is naturally dysselected, unsurviving, swallowed up; where black is same and always and dead and dying; where black is complex and difficult and too much to bear and violated. The tolls of death and violence, housed in the archive, affirm black death. The tolls cast black as impossibly human and provide the conditions through which black history is currently told and studied. The death toll becomes the source.

How, given this unmaking work of the numbers archive, can black life, black survival, black being be narrated or imagined from such sources? Or, as McKittrick asks, “How do we ethically engage with mathematical and numerical certainties that compile, affirm, and honor bits and pieces of black death?”

At a historical moment when, to cite Simone Browne, humans are being turned into data, a moment when the logics and practices of the ledger and fungibility have found new opportunities in the bio-cataloguing of human life known as “biometrics”—recall, here, that Nigeria has partnered with Mastercard to issue “new” biometric identification documents—the “bits and pieces” of “black death” return garbed in bio-technological management. The logics and practices that unmade/unmake black life—the “mathematics” of modernity—return to “secure” what can only be the persistent unmaking of black life. As McKittrick puts it more elegantly, “it is challenging to think outside the interlocking data of black erasure, un-freedom, and anti-black violence,” especially as so many claims for justice today depend on assembling data on “black erasure, un-freedom, and anti-black violence.” How might black studies think with the mathematics of black life without reproducing the violent production of blackness as and through mathematics?
What if we trust the lies—she says she was born free—and begin to count it all differently?
—K. McKittrick

McKittrick meets Nyong’o at “the lie,” at the moment when the speculative logic of slavery meets the speculative leap into black life forms. In “Unburdening Representation,” Nyong’o reclaims the “gap” between the two meanings of representation—to depict and to stand for—as a space of “fabulation,” and, more specifically, “Afro-fabulation.” “A fabulist,” argues Nyong’o, “is a teller of tales, but he or she also discloses the powers of the false to create new possibilities.” A “teller of tales,” a storyteller and a liar, one who disrupts “the hostile and constraining conditions” of “emergence into representation.” “Possibility,” for Nyong’o is found at the “seam” or “joint,” the place Brent Edwards terms décalage, between the two forms of representation:


This misalignment of political and artistic representation is exploited by Afro-fabulation, which is thus not properly speaking solely an aesthetic strategy, or a political one, but a tactic for taking up the time and space between them.

“taking up the time and space between them.” One recalls that the archives that produce blackness in the New World deny that those termed black can represent—Phyllis (misspelled last name) cannot be a poet, declares Jefferson, and black figures cannot stand for those who can be citizens: I’m time-sliding to write this—themselves and others. Within the field of representation—within the oscillating meaning of that term—blackness will always have been a negation, an impossibility, what cannot stand “as” and “for” us. (Here, one might think about the African rejection of blackness as “not us.” The impossible chasm of blackness.)

Mining the gap (note the labor metaphor), Afro-fabulation “is always seeking to cobble something together, to produce connections and relations, however much the resultant seams show.” I want to think with Nyong’os metaphors here—I really should call him Tavia, but since I used McKittrick, protocol applies—of “cobbling,” and “connections and relations,” and “seams.” Of the various economies of motion and mobility (cobblers, shoes, the obsession with shoes in Toni Morrison’s A Mercy); and food, the cobbler as an assemblage of excess fruit, a sweetener, a palate cleanser, an act of love; “connections and relations,” the languages of invented kinship, fabulated genealogy, geographical assemblage (Glissant, Brand); and seams, which always lead me to clothing, the gorgeousness of Harryette Mullen’s Trimmings, the labor of the clothed and the unclothed slave body, the joins and joints of black labor, the uneven, the sutured, the knitted, the broken, that which enables “motion.” The seam that shows—the labor that refuses invisibility. The “lie” that refuses the truth-owning of data-production.

Speculation returns again, as that which joins McKittrick’s “mathematics” to Nyong’o’s “fabulation,” as part of the “demonic ground” where narrative does not supplant or unmake mathematics. Instead, the “speculative” becomes part of the asymptotic narration, the gap in representation—the gap in the archive, the gap in the lie, the gap that is the lie—through which and into which black life finds an “origin story” within life-unmaking blackness. Speculation, or the speculative, might be a method that reads into and past the data-affirming archive to see what black life forms might emerge, what acts of making and unmaking, what ways the human might emerge and undo the regime of Man.

Speculation is also a mode of being-present where one is impossible. It is the acts of appearance and disappearance, the haunting and the spook, the resistant object to cite Fred Moten, that inhabits what Christina Sharpe terms being “in the wake.” #staywoke, we say on twitter: remain conscious, aware, inhabit the insomnia that might (this is always speculative) save a black life, give a black life new form.

Learning from McKittrick and Nyong’o, I want to imagine “speculation” as a term central to black life and black studies, foundational to blackness as negation and possibility, a leap across and into the asymptote. 

26.03.2017

http://nakssuriname.com/

http://nakssuriname.com/

30.10.2016

Readings from the Slave Narratives




Veröffentlicht am 23.09.2015
Unchained Memories is a 2003 documentary film about the stories of former slaves interviewed during the 1930s as part of the Federal Writers' Project and preserved in the WPA Slave Narrative Collection. This HBO film interpretation directed by Ed Bell and Thomas Lennon is a compilation of slave narratives, narrated by actors, emulating the original conversation with the interviewer. The slave narratives may be the most accurate in terms of the everyday activities of the enslaved, serving as personal memoirs of more than two thousand former slaves. The documentary depicts the emotions of the slaves and what they endured. The "Master" had the opportunity to sell, trade, or kill the enslaved, for retribution should one slave not obey.
Narrated by: Whoopi Goldberg
Sarah Gudger, North Carolina (Vol. 11)— read by LaTanya Richardson
Charley Williams, Oklahoma (Vol. 13) – read by Ruben Santiago-Hudson
Martin Jackson, Texas (Vol. 16) - read by Robert Guillaume
Henry Coleman, South Carolina (Vol. 14) – read byRoscoe Lee Browne
Jennie Proctor, Texas (Vol. 16) – read by Oprah Winfrey
Elizabeth Sparks, Virginia (Vol. 17) – read by Angela Bassett
Rosa Starke, South Carolina (Vol. 14) --
Cato Carter, Texas (Vol. 16) – read by Roger Guenveur Smith
Mary Reynolds, Texas (Vol. 16) – read by Angela Bassett
Rev. Ishrael Massie, Virginia –
Fannie Berry, Virginia – read by CCH Pounder
Mary Estes Peters, Arkansas (Vol. 2) – read by Jasmine Guy
Sarah Ashley, Texas (Vol. 16) – read by LaTanya Richardson
Charles Grandy, Virginia — read by Ruben Santiago-Hudson
William Colbert, Alabama (Vol. 1) – read by Courtney B. Vance
Katie Darling, Texas (Vol. 16) – read by Jasmine Guy Jasmine Guy
Vinnie Brunson, Texas (Vol. 3) – read by Vanessa L. Williams
Fannie Berry, read by CCH Pounder
Jack & Rosa Maddox, Texas (Vol. 7) – read by Ossie Davis and Ruby Dee
Mary Reynolds, Texas (Vol. 16) – read by Angela Bassett
Louisa Adams, North Carolina (Vol. 11) – read by LaTanya Richardson

13.01.2016

Tropenliebe

http://www.gmw.ethz.ch/content/dam/ethz/special-interest/gess/ifg/geschichte-der-modernen-welt/documents/Publikationen/ta_20150512_0_0_8%20%282%29.pdf


Sie sind der Natur oder fremden Kulturen gewidmet, man assoziiert Gutes mit ihnen – doch ihre Geschichte hat eine blutige Komponente, die heute aus dem öffentlichen Bewusstsein entschwunden ist. Es geht um urschweizerische Institutionen wie den Nationalpark in Graubünden, das Basler Museum der Kulturen oder die Akademie der Naturwissenschaften. Wer gründlich in ihre Frühzeit zurückblickt, findet sich unversehens in einer Welt wieder, die nach landläufiger Meinung keine schweizerische ist: die Welt der europäischen Kolonialreiche in den «unterentwickelten» Erdteilen des 19. Jahrhunderts. Eine Welt, die wissenschaftliche Neugier mit Unterdrückung und Zerstörung verschwisterte.
Es war dies die Welt von Fritz und Paul Sarasin – Letzterer bekannt als Gründer des Schweizerischen Nationalparks, mit entsprechendem Ansehen bis heute. Wie eine Untersuchung des Historikers Bernhard Schär jetzt zeigt, steht das Forscherduo Sarasin beispielhaft für schweizerische Verstrickungen in den westlichen Imperialismus mit seinen mörderischen Folgen.

Im Dschungel die Liebe leben
Zugleich stehen die zwei, deren bewegtes Leben einen ansehnlichen Aben­teuer­roman hergäbe, für eine Vielzahl schillernder Ambivalenzen. Das wird schon am Titel von Schärs Dissertation deutlich. «Tropenliebe» heisst es da doppeldeutig – gemeint ist, wie der Autor erläutert, die Liebe der Sarasins für die Tropen, aber auch in den Tropen. Denn die beiden Vettern zweiten Grades aus einer der vornehmsten Basler Familien verband gemäss Schärs Forschungen mehr als blosse Blutsverwandtschaft. Als Freundes- und Liebespaar pflegten sie eine zu ihrer Zeit nicht akzeptierte Lebensform (bis zur Emanzipation homosexueller Gemeinschaften sollten noch über hundert Jahre vergehen). Die ausgiebigen Forschungsreisen verschafften den Sarasins die Möglichkeit, ihre Beziehung zu leben – weitab vom einengenden Normativ des europäischen Bürgertums, umgeben nur von Dschungel, einheimischen Helfern und der Verheissung des Unbekannten.
Denn das gab es damals noch, im ausgehenden 19. Jahrhundert: riesige Landstriche, Inseln von der Grösse halber Kontinente, die noch nie von einem Europäer betreten, geschweige denn kartografiert wurden. Die Welt hatte noch ihre Geheimnisse.
Sie hatte, zum Beispiel, die Insel Ceylon, das heutige Sri Lanka. Und sie hatte Celebes, das heute Sulawesi heisst und zu Indonesien gehört. Es waren diese Inseln, deren Geschichte sich verhängnisvoll mit dem Leben der Sarasins verknüpfen sollte – vor allem Celebes.

10.05.2014

The High Place: Potosi


John Demos
On its coat of arms, in the late sixteenth century, appeared the following:
I am rich Potosi,
Treasure of the world.
The king of all mountains,
And the envy of all kings.
Its boast was justified; "rich as Potosi" would quickly become a byword for wealth and splendor throughout the premodern world. As late as 1806, and as far away as rural Massachusetts, local artisans might begin a complaint against the town fathers: "[They would] have you believe that when you entered the sandy plain of Dedham, you are upon a Potosi."
What, then, was this Potosi?
The key to its remote beginnings lies buried in the tectonic plates that shaped the South American continent and the Andes Mountain range. One mountain, in what is now southern Bolivia, was graced by these subterranean forces in a singular way. Though not especially high or otherwise conspicuous, it held within its conical flanks a silver lode of extraordinary size and purity.
And there it sat when the first human settlers–ancestors of the present-day Andean natives–arrived in the region roughly twenty thousand years ago. Millennia passed, societies rose and fell, till around 1200 A.D.–when first the Aymara, later the Inca, created large empires nearby. At some point the site was acknowledged, and perhaps named. In fact, the linguistic origins of Potosi are not known; but, according to one persistent tradition, it was an Aymara (or Quechua) word meaning "high place."
The native peoples apparently mined its silver from time to time, but not in any extensive way. Then, in the 1540s, as Spanish colonizers pushed south following their conquest of the Inca, everything about Potosi changed. A three-hundred-foot outcropping of silver ore, high on the mountain's western slope, suggested what lay underneath; by 1545 Spanish miners, and some Indians too, had begun tearing it away.
Potosi
Inset of Potosi on Hermann Moll, Map of South America. Courtesy of the John Carter Brown Library at Brown University.
From then on, for half a century, the boom around the cerro rico (rich hill) developed fantastically. In 1547 Potosi's population was about 14,000, in 1571 perhaps 40,000, by 1600 at least 150,000. This raised it to the demographic level of the chief capitals of Europe and Asia (London, Amsterdam, Canton, Tokyo), and made it by far the largest human community in the Western Hemisphere. Moreover, its population formed an astonishing, unprecedented mix. A 1611 estimate included 3,000 Spaniards, 40,000 non-Spanish Europeans (French, German, Italian, Portuguese, English, among others), 35,000 Creoles (American-born, many of mixed-race parentage), 76,000 Indians (themselves representing numerous different ethnic and cultural backgrounds), and 6,000 Africans (nearly all held as slaves by white Potosinos).

Violence and Hope in a Space of Death: Paramaribo


Richard Price
About 1710, J. D. Herlein, a Dutch visitor to Paramaribo, reported that a runaway slave from the town had been recaptured by the authorities. His sentence, which the court intended "to serve as an example to others," was "to be quartered alive, and the pieces thrown in the River." Herlein witnessed the execution: "He was lain on the ground, his head on a long beam. The first blow he was given, on the abdomen, burst his bladder open, yet he uttered not the least sound; the second blow with the axe he tried to deflect with his hand, but it gashed the hand and upper belly, again without his uttering a sound. The slave men and women laughed at this, saying to one another, 'That is a man!' Finally, the third blow, on the chest, killed him. His head was cut off and the body cut in four pieces and dumped in the river."
Herlein made clear that the harshness of this sentence was no anomaly, explaining to his European audience that "if a slave runs away into the forest to evade work for a few weeks, upon his being captured his Achilles tendon is removed for the first offence, while for the second offence, if they wish to increase the punishment, his right leg is amputated in order to stop him from running away; I myself was a witness to slaves being punished thus."
As in other capitals of New World plantation colonies, maintaining order among the mass of enslaved laborers was a central concern. In the idealized slaveocracy, planter hegemony would leave little room for slave response or maneuver and dramatic public executions, a veritable theatre of terror, played a central role toward this end. But the victims in the colonies, unlike those who suffered judicial penalties in the metropoles, generally refused to play their designated roles and mocked the system until their dying breaths, flaunting their individuality and resistance.
In the exercise of totalizing power, capital punishment constitutes a limiting case–yet for this very reason, it may be a good place to plumb the ultimate capacities of the oppressed to respond, resist, and create. An examination of the ways that condemned slaves went to their deaths reveals much about the limits of planter power and about the spirit that allowed slaves to create, within the limited spaces available to them, a world of their own, one that influenced not only every aspect of their own descendants' lives but also that of the descendants of their oppressors.
By the time of Herlein's visit, Paramaribo was a small, bustling town that served as the administrative and commercial hub of a fast-growing sugar plantation colony in northeastern South America. Named after the Amerindian village that had occupied the site, ten kilometers up the Suriname River from the Atlantic, it was dominated by the wooden fort (Zeelandia) that gave the town its name in the creole language created by the slaves: Foto. The first fort, and the town itself, were founded soon after 1650, when Frances Lord Willoughby of Parham sent out an expedition from Barbados to establish the English colony that lasted until the Treaty of Breda (1667), in which the English traded Suriname for New York with the Dutch.

Fig. 1. Paramaribo ca. 1710. From J. D. Herlein, Beschryvinge van de Volk-plantinge Zuriname (1718).
The town had grown from fewer than thirty houses in 1678–the homes of officials, inns, and public houses–to a couple of hundred structures with some five hundred people, only 3 percent of the colony's population but one-third of its Europeans (who included Dutch, French, Portuguese, Jews, Germans, Scandinavians, and others). The remaining whites lived either in and around the town of Jews Savanna fifty kilometers upstream, which had its own synagogue and where half the colony's slaves were owned, or on the plantations themselves. Paramaribo was the port where planters and their delegates did their shopping for slaves as well as other goods, all of which moved between town and plantations in boats rowed by slaves, and where they carried out their administrative affairs. In the early eighteenth century, over 95 percent of the colony's eighteen thousand slaves–almost all of whom had been born in Africa and two-thirds of whom had arrived during the previous decade–worked and lived on plantations.

09.03.2014

Latin@s in the World-System: Decolonization Struggles in the Twenty-First Century



Contributors Immanuel Wallerstein, Enrique Dussel, Walter Mignolo, Agustin Lao, Lewis Gordon, James V. Fenelon, Roberto Hernandez, James Cohen, Santiago Slabosky, Susanne Jonas, and Thomas Reifer. By the mid-twenty-first century, white Euro-Americans will be a demographic minority in the United States and Latino/as will be the largest minority (25 percent). These changes bring about important challenges at the heart of the contemporary debates about political transformations in the United States and around the world. Latino/as are multiracial (Afro-latinos, Indo-latinos, Asian-latinos, and Euro-latinos), multi-ethnic, multireligious (Jewish, Catholic, Protestant, Muslim, indigenous, and African spiritualities), and of varied legal status (immigrants, citizens, and illegal migrants). This collection addresses for the first time the potential of these diverse Latino/a spiritualities, origins, and statuses against the landscape of decolonization of the U.S. economic and cultural empire in the twenty-first century. Some authors explore the impact of Indo-latinos and Afro-latinos in the United States and others discuss the conflicting interpretations and political conflicts arising from the "Latinization" of the United States.