Slaven en vrijen. Van Hoëvell (1854)

09 Saturday Apr 2016
Posted by Carl Haarnack in 19th century books, Bibliotheca Surinamica, Dutch books
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Slaven en vrijen onder de Nederlandsche wet. W.R. van Hoëvell. Zaltbommel: Joh. Noman en Zoon, 1854.
Wolter Robert baron van Hoëvell werd geboren in Deventer in 1812. Hij overleed in 1879 in Den Haag. Tussen 1837 en 1848 was hij predikant in Batavia, het huidige Jakarta in Indonesië. Van 1849 tot 1862 was hij lid van de Tweede Kamer. Na deze periode bleef hij tot zijn dood lid van de Raad van State, adviesorgaan van de regering en de hoogste bestuursrechter van Nederland.

Litho uit Slaven en Vrijen (1854)

In 1854 verscheen zijn boek Slaven en vrijen onder de Nederlandsche wet. Dit is één van de belangrijkste boeken uit de Surinaamse bibliotheek. Samen met de Max Havelaar (1860) vormt het de belangrijkste 19e eeuwse aanklacht tegen het Nederlandse beleid in de koloniën. Met zijn publicatie beïnvloedde Hoëvell in belangrijke mate het debat over de afschaffing van de slavernij in Suriname. Hij is zelf nooit in Suriname geweest maar heeft op basis van koloniale verslagen en informanten een boek samengesteld over de erbarmelijke levensomstandigheden van de slaven in Suriname (bijna 40.000 in aantal) en de marrons die zich in de binnenlanden ophouden. Die informanten worden niet bij naam genoemd omdat, zo geeft Hoëvell aan, de kans bestaat dat zij gevaar lopen door de acties van de tegenstanders van de afschaffing van de slavernij. Het boek biedt volgens de auteur ‘alléén waarheid en niets dan waarheid voor; dat wil zeggen: van den toestand der maatschappij in Suriname, voor zooveel de slavernij betreft, heb ik een waarachtig en getrouw tafereel trachten op te hangen’.

Plantage directeur met Creolenmama en slavenkinderen

American Colonialization Society

The African-American Mosaic
Colonization

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Sections: Colonization | Abolition | Migration | WPA

The roots of the colonization movement date back to various plans first proposed in the eighteenth century. From the start, colonization of free blacks in Africa was an issue on which both whites and blacks were divided. Some blacks supported emigration because they thought that black Americans would never receive justice in the United States. Others believed African-Americans should remain in the United States to fight against slavery and for full legal rights as American citizens. Some whites saw colonization as a way of ridding the nation of blacks, while others believed black Americans would be happier in Africa, where they could live free of racial discrimination. Still others believed black American colonists could play a central role in Christianizing and civilizing Africa.
The American Colonization Society (ACS) was formed in 1817 to send free African-Americans to Africa as an alternative to emancipation in the United States. In 1822, the society established on the west coast of Africa a colony that in 1847 became the independent nation of Liberia. By 1867, the society had sent more than 13,000 emigrants.
Beginning in the 1830s, the society was harshly attacked by abolitionists, who tried to discredit colonization as a slaveholder's scheme. And, after the Civil War, when many blacks wanted to go to Liberia, financial support for colonization had waned. During its later years the society focused on educational and missionary efforts in Liberia rather than emigration.
In 1913 and at its dissolution in 1964, the society donated its records to the Library of Congress. The material contains a wealth of information about the foundation of the society, its role in establishing Liberia, efforts to manage and defend the colony, fund-raising, recruitment of settlers, and the way in which black settlers built and led the new nation.
Moreover, opportunities exist for additional research on the collection. For example, map study could reveal new data about settlement patterns, land ownership, and community development in Liberia. Work on the photographs could lead to identification of more of the individuals, locations, and events depicted. From passenger lists and land grants, researchers could glean new knowledge about Liberian genealogy. And, although the early history of the society has been well presented in publications, the post- Civil War period has not been thoroughly examined.

The 19th-Century Slave Sculpture that Exposed Americans to Nudity in Art

by Allison Meier on August 5, 2015



Hiram Powers, “The Greek Slave – Daguerreotype” (1848–49), daguerreotype (courtesy Smithsonian American Art Museum)

The first nude sculpture of a woman widely seen by the American public depicted a slave, just decades before the Civil War. Measured Perfection: Hiram Powers’ Greek Slave now at the Smithsonian American Art Museum in Washington, DC explores the artistic processes behind one of the most popular, and controversial, 19th-century sculptures.


Hiram Powers, “Greek Slave” (1843), plaster (courtesy Smithsonian American Art Museum) (click to enlarge)

“If you had access to private collections or went on a Grand Tour, you might have seen this kind of artwork, but not if you were an average American,” Karen Lemmey, curator of sculpture and organizer of the exhibition, told Hyperallergic. Hiram Powers replicated “The Greek Slave” (1840s) in marble several times due to its huge success, where on an American tour it inadvertently became an abolitionist icon.

Charles Cordier African Venus France (1851)

Charles Cordier : African Venus , France (1851) . Bronze, 39.5 cm.
The Walters Museum:
Cordier submitted a plaster cast of the bust of an African visitor to Paris to the Salon of 1848, and two years later he again entered it as a bronze (Walters 54.2664). A young African woman served as the model for this companion piece in 1851. Regarded as powerful expressions of nobility and dignity, these sculptures proved to be highly popular: casts were acquired by the Museum of National History in Paris and also by Queen Victoria. The Walters’ pair were cast by the Paris foundry Eck and Durand in 1852. These bronzes were esteemed by 19th-century viewers as expressions of human pride and dignity in the face of grave injustice. One of the things I love most about this piece is that you get something new from almost every single angle.
It is stunning, I wonder who the woman was, where she was from, what did she think of the world?
I’ve learned since that the woman who posed for this amazing work was named Seïd Enkess. She was a Frenchwoman originally from southern Sudan, who had been enslaved as a child, but worked as model in Paris as an adult.
According to Cordier: A superb Sudanese appeared in the studio. Within a fortnight, I made this bust. With a comrade, I carried it into my room, by my bed […] I coveted the artwork […] I had it cast and sent it to the Salon […]. It was a revelation for the whole artistic world. […] My genre had the novelty of a new subject, the revolt against slavery, anthropology at its birth…

Black London (free downloaod)

http://www.dartmouth.edu/~library/digital/publishing/books/gerzina1995/pdf/Gerzina_Black-London.pdf?mswitch-redir=classic

Slave Power

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
(Redirected from Slave power)

The terms "Slave Power" and "slaveocracy" were used by antislavery campaigners in the U.S. in the 1840s and 1850s, in reference to what they saw as the disproportionate political power held by slave owners in the national government. The argument was that this small group of rich slave owners had seized political control of their own states and were trying to take over the national government in an illegitimate fashion in order to expand and protect slavery. The argument was widely used by the Republican Party that formed in 1854-55 to oppose the expansion of slavery.

The main issue expressed by the phrase was distrust of the power of slave-owning oligarchs. Such distrust was shared by many who were not abolitionists; those who were motivated more by a possible threat to the political balance or the impossibility of competing with unwaged slave labor, than by concern over the treatment of slaves. Those who differed on many other issues (such as hating blacks or liking them, denouncing slavery as a sin or promising to guarantee its protection in the Deep South) could unite to attack the "slaveocracy."[1] The "Free Soil" element emphasized that rich slave owners would move into new territory, use their cash to buy up all the good lands, then use their slaves to work the lands, leaving little opportunity room for free farmers. By 1854 the Free Soil Party had largely merged into the new Republican party[2]

The term was popularized by antislavery writers such as John Gorham Palfrey, Josiah Quincy III, Horace Bushnell, James Shepherd Pike, and Horace Greeley. Politicians who emphasized the theme included John Quincy Adams, Henry Wilson and William Pitt Fessenden. Abraham Lincoln used the concept after 1854 but not the term. They showed through a combination of emotive argument and hard statistical data that the South had long held a disproportionate level of power in the United States. Historian Allan Nevins contends that "nearly all groups...steadily substituted emotion for reason.... Fear fed hatred, and hatred fed fear."[3]

Pro-Slavery Lobby

Narratives from the Collection on the Pro-Slavery Lobby

"[This is] a trade to the most advantage to this kingdom of any we drive, and as it were all profit, the first cost being little more than small matters of our own manufactures, for which we have in return, gold, elephant’s teeth, wax and negroes, the last whereof is much better than the first, being indeed the best traffic the kingdom hath, as it doth occasionally give so vast an employment to our people both by sea and land."
John Cary, Bristol merchant
By the 18th century, slavery was seen as essential to Britain’s economy and power, and therefore accepted as the norm. The profits had given merchants and planters involved enough wealth and power to found banks and other financial institutions, and acquire immense political power. Between 1787 and 1807 all the Mayors of Liverpool were involved in the slave trade and 50 or 60 MPs represented slave plantations. They were able to build stately homes, marry into the aristocracy, and invest in industrial enterprises. William Beckford, twice Lord Mayor of London and owner of a 22,000 acre estate in Jamaica, left his son one million pounds and £100,000 a year in his will.
William Beckford by Sir Joshua Reynolds, engraved by T.A. Dean


The trade helped strengthen Britain’s domestic economy, with 150,000 guns each year being exported to Africa from Birmingham alone. As well as making a fortune in the trading of Africans, Birmingham also dominated copper manufacture, as this metal was highly valued by Africans and was used for trade. The custom duties on slave grown imports were an important source of government income. The Church also had plantations, for example the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel owned the Codrington estate in Barbados.
'A Negro Festival Drawn from Nature in the Island of St. Vincent', depicting slavery as a life of leisure, taken from the pro-slavery book
'The History of the British Colonies in the West Indies' by Bryan Edwards, 1797.
© Anti-Slavery International

Harriet Ann Jacobs

Harriet Ann Jacobs

Jacobs in 1894
Born February 11, 1813
Edenton, North Carolina
Died March 7, 1897 (aged 84)
Washington, D.C.
Resting place Mount Auburn Cemetery
Occupation Writer, nurse and abolitionist speaker
Genre Autobiography
Subject Harriet Ann Jacobs
Notable works Incidents in the Life of a Slave Girl (1861)
Partner Samuel Sawyer
Children Joseph, Louisa


Harriet Ann Jacobs (February 11, 1813 – March 7, 1897) was an African-American writer who escaped from slavery and was later freed. She became an abolitionist speaker and reformer. Jacobs wrote an autobiographical novel, Incidents in the Life of a Slave Girl, first serialized in a newspaper and published as a book in 1861 under the pseudonym Linda Brent. It was a reworking of the genres of slave narrative and sentimental novel, and was one of the first books to address the struggle for freedom by female slaves, and to explore their struggles with sexual harassment and abuse, and their effort to protect their roles as women and mothers.

After being overshadowed by the Civil War, the novel was rediscovered in the late 20th century, when there was new interest in minority and women writers. One scholar researched the novel, identifying Harriet Jacobs as the author and documenting many events and people in her life that corresponded to this fictionalized, autobiographical account. The novel has been the subject of many academic studies, as Jacobs challenged prevailing ideas about slavery and womanhood in her work.


Reward notice issued for the return of Harriet Jacobs

Harriet Jacobs was born into slavery in Edenton, North Carolina, in 1813.[1] Her father was Elijah Knox, an enslaved biracial house carpenter owned by Andrew Knox. Elijah was said to be the son of Athena Knox, who was enslaved, and a white farmer, Henry Jacobs.[2] Harriet's mother was Delilah Horniblow, an enslaved black woman held by John Horniblow, a tavern owner. Under the principle of partus sequitur ventrem, both Harriet and her brother John were born into slavery, as their mother was enslaved. Their likely European-American paternity did not alter their status. Harriet lived with her mother until Delilah's death around 1819, when Harriet was six.[3] Then she lived with her mother's mistress, Margaret Horniblow, who taught Harriet to read, write and sew.

keti koti rotterdam

KetiKoto

1 juli is een feestdag voor de Surinamers en de Antillianen. Niet alleen overzee, maar ook in Nederland wordt de afschaffing van de slavernij in 1863 gevierd. Die dag heet 'Keti Koti', wat 'gebroken ketenen' betekent. In de volksmond wordt het ook wel 'Manspassie' genoemd, 'emancipatiedag'.

Een aantal Surinamers en Antillianen heeft ervoor gezorgd dat er sinds 1 juli 2002 een Nationaal Monument Nederlands Slavernijverleden in het Amsterdamse Oosterpark staat. Het 30 juni/1 juli-comité vindt dit niet genoeg. Het wil dat op 30 juni de vlaggen halfstok gaan en Nederland één minuut stilte houdt om de gruwelen van de slavernij te herdenken, net als op vier en vijf mei, als de Tweede Wereldoorlog herdacht wordt.

Maar er wordt ook uitbundig feest gevierd. Zo is er in de Amsterdamse Bijlmer het grote Kwakoefestival. In 1975 begon het als een voetbaltoernooi voor de thuisblijvers. Nu is het uitgegroeid tot dé ontmoetingsplek voor Surinamers uit heel Nederland. Het festival is vernoemd naar het Slavernijmonument in Suriname, een standbeeld van een ontketende slaaf. Hij draagt de naam 'Kwakoe',  woensdag, omdat 1 juli 1863 op die dag viel. 

In Rotterdam wordt op 1 juli 'Bigi Spikri' georganiseerd, een parade te vergelijken met carnaval. 'Bigi Spikri' betekent letterlijk 'grote spiegel'. Tijdens een jaarlijkse feestelijke parade in Suriname liepen de slaven langs de winkeletalages van Paramaribo. De etalageruiten dienden als grote spiegels, waarin de slaven zichzelf bewonderden. Ook is er een Miss Alida-verkiezing, ter nagedachtenis aan een mooie slavin, die de gruwelijke mishandeling door haar jaloerse eigenaresse wist te overleven.

Angisa zum Jahrestag der Abschaffung der Sklaverei

Nederlands: Hoofddoek. Hoofddoek ter herdenking dat 100 jaar geleden de slavernij in Suriname werd afgeschaft. Op een rode ondergrond is tweemaal het wapen van Suriname afgebeeld met daartussen de jaartallen 1863 en 1963 en 1 juli. Daarboven en -onder, in alle vier de hoeken, telkens twee zwarte, geboeide handen, waarvan de ketenen zijn gebroken en het opschrift "keti koti" (de keten is gebroken).
De hoofddoek wordt door Creoolse vrouwen gedragen op 1 juli maar kan ook als siervoorwerp aan de wand gehangen worden of gebruikt worden als tafelkleedje.
Angisa's vormen onderdeel van de dracht van een kotomisi. De koto is een in Suriname ontstane klederdracht die werd bedacht door slavenhouders en hun vrouwen om hun slavinnen 'zedig' te kleden. De dracht bestaat uit een koto (rok), jaki (jak) en angisa (hoofddoek). Aan de dracht kon men aflezen tot welke godsdienst de slavenhouder behoorde. Hoewel vroeger dagelijkse kleding, veranderde de koto later in gelegenheidskleding. De koto en vooral de angisa spraken en spreken een geheime taal (Henar-Hewitt, 1987:35).
. Surinaams-Creoolse hoofddoek ter herdenking van de 100-jarige afschaffing der slavernij op 1 juli 1863

Nagenoeg vierkante, polychroom bedrukte hoofddoek ter herdenking dat 100 jaar geleden de slavernij in Suriname werd afgeschaft. Op een witte ondergrond zijn gebroken ketenen afgebeeld, het jaartal 1863, een schip, het wapen van Suriname en een slaaf.
(wikicommons)

Katoenen hoofddoek ter gelegenheid van de afschaffing van slavernij op die datum 75 jaar geleden. In elke hoek wordt een zeilschip geflankeerd door rozen; aan de randen staat telkens twee keer het woord "emancipatie" met daartussen 1863 - 1 juli 1938. In het midden staan weer rozen waaruit vier stralen komen die "75 jaar" vormen.